
Ever since 9/11, a plethora of books have been written about the diplomatic, geopolitical and international relations between America, the west and the rest of the world. This book offers a unique perspective from an author who was born in a Hindu poor household surrounded by Muslim families in Singapore who eventually became Singapore’s Ambassador to the United Nations.
Muhabubni claims to write this book out of concern for America in part and for the rest of the world at large. He claims that much of the 21st century will be shaped by the relationship America develops with the world, a claim that is far from original yet certainly has much merit considering the current position America plays in geopolitical affairs.
Mahbubani examines America’s relationship with the world by first explaining how America benefited, as well as harmed the world. Then, he investigates the relationship between America and Islam, and America and China followed by his view of the nature of American power and what it takes to manage such power.
In, how America benefited the World, Mahubabi is careful to list many positive forces America has introduced to world in terms of cultural export, humanitarian assistance, and as catalyst for progressive equality and economic well being (Marshall plan and other economic stimulation strategies). When examining how America has harmed the world, Mahbubani is convinced that the greatest mistake America has made was to step down from the role of “world leader” at the end of the cold war. Many countries, both in Eastern Europe and Asia, were in dire need for reconstruction and assistance at the end of the Cold War, Mahbuabni explains. And when they needed America most, it wasn’t there for them.
While this point sounds compelling in explaining the growing resentment towards the US, it is largely based on the author’s analogy of political relationship on a global scale to family relationships on a minor scale where, the older and much fortunate brother (the US) refuses to help younger brother (rest of the world) to get back on his feet after a devastating trauma. From this analogy, it is easy to see how one would harbor anger and resentment towards America. But I’m afraid that real world geopolitics are infinitely more complex.
Mahbubani does make a strong point about American leadership when he states that in order to have the world’s trust, America cannot be dealing in double standards. In other words, America should not initiate the use of military force in Iraq without the approval of the U.N. Security Council, which it did. America should also not be engaged in practices of torture and unlawful arrests in defiance of the Geneva convention which it proudly accepted in 1977 and 2005.
Double standard indeed harms American world leadership as it differentiates between the powerful and powerless. It also diminishes America’s moral authority and distorts the exemplary view many people used to have for America. But trust, Mahbubani proclaims, can be regained through sound, responsible leadership that deeply cares not only for domestic issues but also for global affairs. If America will not be the first to behave as if the world is indeed a village, not other country will. America has to go there first.
Close to the end of the book, Mahbubani offers America several strategic decisions it should make in order to regain trust and leadership legitimacy from the rest of the world. First, he proclaims, America should decide that a stable world is a primary American interest. Second, America should consider the impacts of its on the world, before they are made. Third, America should change its policies towards multilateral institutions and diminish the use of its overwhelming power within these organizations (U.N., IMF etc.,). The fourth strategic decision Mahbuabni recommends is for America to continue to develop the best and freest human society it can possibly develop.
One of the key points in the book, one the author keeps hammering with scrupulous repetition, is America’s lack of awareness of its power and the consequences of its action. While this point carries a certain immeasurable validity that can be easily noticed by any mass media consumer, the cases the author seems to state appear a somewhat weak. Sure, the Ghanaian cotton farmer may be angry about American cotton import tariffs and domestic subsidies but this, we would have to assume, is not enough to drive him into the inviting hands of radical nationalists.
It’s important to note that Mahbubani’s work does not claim or aspires to be an academic surgery into the precise causes of current world affairs. The author can be at times shallow in his tracing of historical events which leads to analysis that may prove satisfactory to the common reader but insufficient to the seasoned political professional.